Khwaja Masum Bellah Kausarey: In today’s Bangladesh, politics seems to have devolved into a playground for extortionists, tender manipulators, and land grabbers. The political structure of the country has long been held hostage by a syndicate whose primary goal is to use politics as the fastest route to personal wealth. Power has become synonymous with plunder. Behind the veil of political identity and state privileges, they have opened “extortion ledgers” across all levels of both public and private sectors. Since the military regime that followed 1975, Bangladesh began witnessing the erosion of tolerant and ideology-driven politics. What emerged was a new breed of student politics dominated by extortion, weapons, and violence. Although the pro-democracy movement of the 1990s opened a window for change, the opportunity was quickly overtaken by even more organized and aggressive extortion networks.

Especially between 2001–2006 and again from 2009 to the present, the political landscape has been dominated by group-based corruption: allocation of state contracts based on party loyalty, administrative appointments manipulated by political preferences, and contractors being forced to pay “commission extortion” to begin work. Today, there is hardly any government project in Bangladesh that proceeds without paying extortion money. Even for constructing a school building, one must pay a “percentage” to local political leaders. In university campuses, student politics has turned into a racket of tender control, dormitory control, admission trading, and extortion.

 

Institutions like Dhaka University, Chittagong University, Islamic University, and Rajshahi University have seen years of dominance by factions under the ruling student body, often backed by ruling parties. These groups have even assaulted respected faculty members who protested against the extortion system. Another powerful tool in the hands of extortionists is the administration. Political protection allows them to use police and bureaucrats to legitimize illegal collections. Those who refuse to pay are slapped with false cases at police stations or face threats and unlawful detention. Whether trucks, buses, or microbuses—virtually every vehicle on the road is subject to monthly “extortion fees” demanded by local political cadres. Every transport stand, market, and ferry terminal is dominated by a “token system”—effectively institutionalized extortion run by organized syndicates. This culture of extortion is not the monopoly of a single political party. During BNP`s tenure, student and youth wings like Chhatra Dal and Jubo Dal practiced similar extortion tactics in educational campuses and local areas. Under Awami League’s rule, their student and youth wings entered deals with contractors, acting as “quality control officers” and demanding 10–15% commissions. One former Chhatra League leader now owns properties worth crores—houses, cars, apartments—all built on political identity and extortion.

Journalists attempting to report on such activities are frequently threatened, assaulted, or even killed. In Khilgaon, a journalist was stabbed for exposing extortion. Another journalist received a chilling warning: “You talk too much—we’ll disappear you.” Recently, a journalist in Panchagarh was threatened with police action by a local Chhatra League leader just for filming a video report. Many business owners say, “We pay extortion because we have no choice. Without it, our businesses won`t survive. Our shops will be bombed; our workers beaten.” In this reality, they are forced to bow to the extortionist political culture just to survive. From Dhaka to Narayanganj, Chattogram to Khulna—even in remote rural areas—extortion is institutionalized. Receipts are issued monthly in the name of local party leaders.

In Dhaka alone, extortion from 53 transport terminals and stands amounts to approximately 2.21 crore BDT per day, totaling 60–80 crore BDT monthly. Of this, only 1.17 crore BDT is officially collected by transport owner associations.

According to Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), the transport sector sees 1,059.37 crore BDT collected illegally every year. From 2023–2024, 10,902 crore BDT was illicitly collected across different service sectors—amounting to 1.4% of the national budget and 0.2% of GDP. Between 2009–2024, the total illicit earnings stood at 1,46,252 crore BDT. TIB estimates that between FY 2009–10 and FY 2023–24, 23–40% of road and bridge project budgets were lost to corruption, translating to a loss of 29,230–50,835 crore BDT.

In Annual Development Plans (ADPs) between 2009–2023, an estimated $13–24 billion USD (1.61–2.80 lakh crore BDT) has been siphoned through corruption and extortion. In Dhaka Metropolitan area alone, between January–March 2025, 320 extortion cases were filed with over 190 individuals arrested. On average, 32–90 cases were filed monthly during December–February, with 58 cases in March alone.

 

Who is Responsible?

 

According to a high-ranking police officer, 50% of the blame lies with political leadership, 49% with police officials, and the rest with systemic flaws. From schools to public service offices like BRTA, extortion is layered across all sectors—from consultation fees to post-expiry permit renewals. Despite widespread victimization, people are afraid to file cases, which limits legal redress. This raises the cost of doing business by nearly 10%, disrupts local transportation, and severely hampers national development projects. Daily crores of taka are lost to extortion in the transport sector alone. Nationally, illegal money flows have reached hundreds of thousands of crores. Blame is evenly split between politics and administration. Structural reforms are absent.

 

Solutions could include: Privatizing transport stands and terminals with transparent fee structures. Creating accountable task forces for immediate action. Ensuring legal protection for whistleblowers and journalists. Promoting transparency in political and administrative institutions. But what does the law do? Law enforcement is often biased. Many extortionist leaders are placed in a “special category”—they secure bail through lobbying, receive “calls from above,” and police say, “Please drop the case, there’s pressure from the top.” The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) may file occasional cases, but most are cosmetic. Politically connected extortionists even contest in elections.

If Bangladesh truly wishes to free its politics from extortionists and corrupt actors, the first step must be ensuring internal democracy and accountability within political parties. The top-down autocratic, patronage-based, and impunity-laden structure must be dismantled.

There must be- Internal elections within parties, Transparent disclosure of wealth

, End to recruitment based on political identity, Guaranteed administrative independence

Time for a New Political Culture: It is time for Bangladesh to embrace a new political culture—where politics serves the people, power means responsibility, and student politics becomes a training ground for future leadership. Such culture will emerge only when: Citizens can protect their right to vote, Truth-tellers are protected, Administration acts neutrally against extortionists

Otherwise, future generations will perceive politics only as a tool for corruption and extortion—and we will remain trapped in this toxic loop. If politics remains in the hands of extortionists, then neither the public nor the state is safe. A healthy political future demands morality, accountability, and principled leadership. Without that, this nation will remain a victim of plunder—and we all will be forever stuck “spinning around the same extortionist circle.”